Latin After Blood and Tears

Edward Gibbon, Memoirs of My Life and Writings:

“By the common methods of discipline, at the expence of many tears and some blood, I purchased the knowledge of the Latin syntax: and not long since I was possessed of the dirty volumes of Phaedrus and Cornelius Nepos, which I painfully construed and darkly understood. The choice of these authors is not injudicious. The lives of Cornelius Nepos, the friend of Atticus and Cicero, are composed in the style of the purest age: his simplicity is elegant, his brevity copious; he exhibits a series of men and manners; and with such illustrations, as every pedant is not indeed qualified to give, this classic biographer may initiate a young student in the history of Greece and Rome. The use of fables or apologues has been approved in every age from ancient India to modern Europe. They convey in familiar images the truths of morality and prudence; and the most childish understanding (I advert to the scruples of Rousseau) will not suppose either that beasts do speak, or that men may lie. A fable represents the genuine characters of animals; and a skilful master might extract from Pliny and Buffon some pleasing lessons of natural history, a science well adapted to the taste and capacity of children. The Latinity of Phaedrus is not exempt from an alloy of the silver age; but his manner is concise, terse, and sententious; the Thracian slave discreetly breathes the spirit of a freeman; and when the text is found, the style is perspicuous. But his fables, after a long oblivion, were first published by Peter Pithou, from a corrupt manuscript. The labours of fifty editors confess the defects of the copy, as well as the value of the original; and the school-boy may have been whipped for misapprehending a passage, which Bentley could not restore, and which Burman could not explain.”

Tawdry Tuesday: More Erectile Dysfunction Poems from Ancient Greece (NSFW)

From the Greek Anthology, 11.29 (Automedon)

“Send, Call for her—everything is ready for you. But when she arrives,
What will you do? Give that some thought, Automedon.
For this, which was tireless before, is now squishier than
A boiled carrot and it has retreated back between your thighs.
They will laugh at you a lot when you set out unarmed
Trying to steer your ship without an oar.”

Πέμπε, κάλει· πάντ’ ἐστὶν ἕτοιμά σοι. ἢν δέ τις ἔλθῃ,
τί πρήξεις; σαυτῷ δὸς λόγον, Αὐτόμεδον.
αὕτη γὰρ λαχάνου σαθρωτέρη ἡ πρὶν ἀκαμπὴς
ζῶσα νεκρὰ μηρῶν πᾶσα δέδυκεν ἔσω.
πόλλ’ ἐπὶ σοὶ γελάσουσιν, ἀνάρμενος ἂν παραβάλλῃ
πλώειν τὴν κώπην μηκέτ’ ἔχων ἐρέτου.

small-bronze
I named this picture “small bronze”, because it is a small picture of a bronze statue

Straton, 12.240

“The hair is already gray on my temples
And my dick hangs slack between my thighs.
My balls are useless: age overcomes me hard.
Alas, I know how to fuck but I can’t.”

῎Ηδη μοι πολιαὶ μὲν ἐπὶ κροτάφοισιν ἔθειραι,
καὶ πέος ἐν μηροῖς ἀργὸν ἀποκρέμαται·
ὄρχεις δ’ ἄπρηκτοι, χαλεπὸν δέ με γῆρας ἱκάνει.
οἴμοι, πυγίζειν οἶδα καὶ οὐ δύναμαι.

πυγίζειν: I have selected the generally vulgar “fuck” for this verb which is likely a denominative from πυγή (variously, “ass”, “anus”, “buttocks”). The Loeb translates this as “sodomize”, which is probably more to the point but misses the inventiveness (“analize” might work).
Here is a perfectly wretched poem by the same author, using some of the same words.

12.245

“All the unthinking animals fuck only; those who think
Have something more than the rest of the animals in this:
We discovered ass-fucking. All the men who are ruled by women
Have nothing more than the rest of the living beasts.”

Πᾶν ἄλογον ζῷον βινεῖ μόνον· οἱ λογικοὶ δὲ
τῶν ἄλλων ζῴων τοῦτ’ ἔχομεν τὸ πλέον
πυγίζειν εὑρόντες. ὅσοι δὲ γυναιξὶ κρατοῦνται,
τῶν ἀλόγων ζῴων οὐδὲν ἔχουσι πλέον.

Internet Proverb Sleuth: Parmenides and the Apparatus Criticus

When I was in graduate school I had a job working for the editor of the Classical World and I would receive odd assignments like transcribing some Greek from a 19th century German letter (almost always New Testament stuff) to assembling a bibliography on the Roman poet Sulpicia. I am still haunted by a failed quest to review the origins of an apocryphal quote attributed to Plato before the advent of Google.

Over the past few years a few proverbsfalse quotations or mangled lines have been brought to my attention. I love this because I get to play detective and there is nothing like a mystery to get me going. (In fact, I suspect that the basic plot of a sci-fi mystery is so thoroughly embedded in my psyche that it actually drives most of what I call scholarship.

Anyway, the following came to me this morning and I only partially answered on twitter with help from some friends (most importantly Peter Gainsford):

(I totally had to look up John Toland’s Clidophorus. I had no idea what that was.)

So this is Parmenides fr. 1.28-30 DK:

χρεὼ δέ σε πάντα πυθέσθαι
ἠμὲν ᾿Αληθείης εὐκυκλέος ἀτρεμὲς ἦτορ,
ἠδὲ βροτῶν δόξας, ταῖς οὐκ ἔνι πίστις ἀληθής.

I want you to learn all things (by inquiry):
Both the unwavering heart of well-rounded Truth
And the opinions of men in which there is no credible truth.

Here is what was in the epigraph on twitter:

χρεὼ δέ σε πάντα πυθέσθαι
ἠμὲν ᾿Αληθείης εὐπειθέος ἀτρεκὲς ἦτορ,
ἠδὲ βροτῶν δόξας, τῆς οὐκ ἔτι πίστις ἀληθής.

I want you to learn all things (by inquiry):
Both the genuine heart of well-persuasive Truth
And the opinions of mortals, of which there is no longer credible truth.

I actually like ἀτρεκὲς here: it seems rather archaic to me (also poetic, consider Pin. Nem. 5.17: φαίνοισα πρόσωπον ἀλάθει’ ἀτρεκές). But the adjective ἀτρεμὲς  is rather common among presocratic philosophers. I am not really convinced that ἔτι is a much worse reading than ἔνι (although ταῖς is clearly better for reasons of grammatical number). One does not need the ἔνι for ἔνεστι for this to construe.

Here is what is printed in the app. Crit of the new Loeb (LCL 528: 36-37):

29 εὐπειθέος Plut. Adv. Col. 1114D, Clem. Alex. Strom.5.59.6, Diog. Laert. 9.22: εὐκυκλέος Simpl.: εὐφεγγέος Procl. In Tim. 2. 105bpost v. 30 hab. Sextus D8.2–6a = B7.2–6 D.–K.32 χρῆν DE: χρὴν A: χρὴ Karstenπερῶντα A: περ ὄντα DEF

But on another page through a footnote we find ἀτρεμὲς NLE: ἀτρεκὲς ABVR (which implies multiple manuscripts or manuscript traditions [one for each letter, LCL 528: 98-99).

In any case, this is a condition of manuscript variants. The version in the original tweet comes from Parmenides’ fragment as found in Diogenes Laertius Lives of the Eminent Philosophers. The second comes from Sextus Empiricus (7.111). In most versions available online, the ‘corrected’ version in Sextus has been ‘restored’ to the Diogenes Laertius (Peter Gainsford explains this in the tweet below). Without access to a proper apparatus criticus, it would be difficult for anyone to know this.

Fortunately, Diels-Krantz Fragmente Der Vorsokratiker is available online. Unfortunately, this edition (1902?) does not have the good apparatus of the most recent version.

Appcrit

Anyway, one of the most frustrating things about online corpora of edited texts is that critical editions are either still covered by copyright or they are awkwardly presented. Also, we don’t do a great job of educating people about what a critical edition is.

https://twitter.com/PeterGainsford/status/978236245875736576

The Second Day, The Day of the Moon

Diadache 8

“Do not have fasting days with the hypocrites. For they fast on the second day from the Sabbath and the fifth. You should fast on the fourth and sixth.”

Αἱ δὲ νηστεῖαι ὑμῶν μὴ ἔστωσαν μετὰ τῶν ὑποκριτῶν. νηστεύουσι γὰρ δευτέρᾳ σαββάτων καὶ πέμπτῃ· ὑμεῖς δὲ νηστεύσατε τετράδα καὶ παρασκευήν.

 

From the Oxford English Dictionary. s.v. “Monday”

Mondayn. and adv.

Origin: A word inherited from Germanic.
Etymology: Cognate with or formed similarly to Old Frisian mōnandei , Middle Dutch mānendach , maendach (Dutch maandag ), Middle Low German mānendach , māndach , mānedach , maendach , Old High German mānetac (Middle High German mēntag , māntac , mōntag , German Montag ), Old Icelandic mánadagr , Old Swedish manadagher (Swedish måndag ), Danish mandag < the Germanic base of moon n.1 + the Germanic base of day n., after post-classical Latin Lunae dies (3rd cent.; also Lunis dies). Compare Hellenistic Greek ἡμέρα σελήνης (probably after Latin).

The Latin days of the week in imperial Rome were named after the planets, which in turn were named after gods (see discussion at week n.). In most cases the Germanic names show replacement of the Roman god’s name with that of an equivalent god from the Germanic pantheon. In the case of Monday (as also of Sunday ), the name of the planet (as the moon was considered in the classical period) and the god were the same.

Compare ( < post-classical Latin Lunis dies ) Old French lunsdis (1119; c1160 as lundi ; French lundi ), Old Occitan diluns , dialus (15th cent.), Catalan dilluns (14th cent.), Spanish lunes (13th cent.), Italian lunedì (1282)

 1. The day following Sunday and preceding Tuesday, traditionally regarded as the second day of the week, but now frequently considered the first (following the weekend).

 

Ancient Words, Modern Notions

Hugh E.P. Platt, A Last Ramble in the Classics:

“The study of vocabularies raises some interesting questions in the history of morals and of manners. For many English words, as ‘steam-engine’, naturally there is no classical equivalent, because the ancients did not possess the thing. In some cases where no equivalent is found one may doubt whether it was the lack of the thing, or the mere want of abstract terms, that caused the deficiency. A reviewer of Byways in the Classics defied scholars to translate into Latin the word ‘Romanticism’. The thing was too undeveloped, I imagine, to require a word to express it. It is curious to observe how since the days of Johnson criticism has adopted a new vocabulary. ‘Psychological, inevitable, convincing, palpitates with actuality,’ are phrases with which the nineteenth century has enriched the world. So too are the following : ‘A pervading sense of elemental power’;  the race-consciousness made manifest’; ‘the architectonics of his art.’ In art criticism the favourite practice is to apply to music the language of painting, and to painting the language of music. However, the epithets employed by criticism, whether of art or of literature, must for the most part be metaphorical. Thus, describing a ‘period,’ Cicero uses the words tener, flexibilis, purtis, liquidus, and the like.

But to return to the question of Latin equivalents, let us try ‘love of nature.’ Here the Romans certainly had the thing. It has often been noticed that, though indifferent about the external appearance of their villas, they took the greatest care to secure fine prospects from the windows. But the abstract term for nature was wanting. Sometimes rus might serve. Or we get phrases like ‘illa caeli libertas locorumque amoenitas‘ (Quint, x. 3. 22). But usually the Roman tendency was to be concrete :

Flumina amem silvasque.

So when Lord Bowen translated

I strove with none, for none was worth my strife ;
Nature I loved, and after nature art,

he wrote :

Non contra indignos ingloria bella petebam ;
Semper erant silvae musaque noster amor.

We may contrast with ‘love of nature’ our phrase ‘the human interest.’ Here again the Romans had the thing, but not the word. In their literature the human interest is more dominant than in our own. It is less obscured by appeals to other sentiments. But when Quintilian wishes to say that the poem of Aratus is lacking in human interest, he has to explain :

‘Arati materia motu caret, ut in qua nulla varietas, nullus adfectus, nulla persona, nulla cuiusquam sit oratio,’ x. i. 55.

It is more curious that while we have to go to Latin for our word ‘benefactor,’ the word is not found in classical speech. The Greeks possessed εὐεργέτης, but the Romans used a periphrasis, such as optime de (me) meritus, or the like. ‘Jealousy’ too has no exact equivalent in Latin; and indeed the Italians of old, unlike their modern descendants, seem to have been singularly free from this feeling.

‘Bigotry’ was without a classical representative, for it was not a classical vice. It is melancholy to reflect that only a few years after Tiberius expressed the principle of religious toleration in the pithy saying deorum iniurias dis curae, the age of persecution set in, which has only ended (has it ended?) in our own day.

With the rise of bigotry, hypocrisy naturally increased also. There is, I think, no Latin word which carries the same associations as our ‘hypocrite.’ Simulator, dissimulator correspond rather to the English ‘dissembler.’ But by a hypocrite we generally mean not merely a dissembler, but a person who pretends to maintain an unusually high standard of morals or of religion. This vice is alleged by the rest of the world to be peculiarly English, I fear not without reason. Certainly the bank directors, the solicitors, the company promoters, who have distinguished themselves among us by their frauds, have almost without exception been persons who made a conspicuous profession of piety. When a famous French actress first appeared in England, the late Mr. Edward Pigott, then examiner of plays, warned her : ‘Remember that whenever you play in this country you will have before you five hundred Tartuffes.’ But the ancient world also had its hypocrites. Cicero more than once draws a lively picture of such a character in Piso, consul b. c. 58; and when Aeneas explains to Dido that his shabby treatment of her was due to high conscientious motives, one thinks for the moment that Aeneas must really have been an Englishman.

The presence or absence of a term appears sometimes to be merely a freak of language. The Romans had patruus and avunculus to distinguish an uncle on the father’s side and an uncle on the mother’s side; but for nephew classical Latin has only the cumbrous expressions fratris filius, sororis filius. On the other hand the Romans possessed the word gestatio to signify being borne either in a litter or in a carriage; whereas we only have ‘ride’ which is unsuited to a carriage, and ‘drive’ which properly pertains only to the driver. Here the change of manners has completely altered the meaning of a phrase. A hundred years ago if a friend had said to me,’ Mrs. Green carried me to  Brighthelmstone,’ I should have understood that he (or she) was conveyed to that pleasant watering-place by Mrs. Green in her carriage. But if a friend were to make the same remark now, my first thought would be a mental picture of Mrs. Green staggering under my friend on the Brighton road, and my next a conviction that my friend was Ananias himself, or, if a lady, Sapphira.”

Image result for ancient greek reading

Leaving Life As if From an Inn, Not a Home

Cicero De Senectute, 84

“Even if some god should permit that I would return to the time of my birth from this age, I would sternly refuse–for, truly, I do not wish to restart as if to retrace a race run from the finish line to the starting post.

What attraction does life have? Or, rather, what labor does it lack? Let it have clear charm–even still, it must have either satiety or a conclusion. It is not my purpose to deplore life as many–even learned men–have often done. And I do not regret that I have lived, because I lived in a such a way that I do not believe I was pointlessly born.  And I am leaving life as if from an inn, not a home. For nature has given us a way-station for a brief delay, not to permanently reside.”

Et si quis deus mihi largiatur ut ex hac aetate repuerascam et in cunis vagiam, valde recusem, nec vero velim quasi decurso spatio ad carceres a calce revocari. Quid habet enim vita commodi? Quid non potius laboris? Sed habeat sane; habet certe tamen aut satietatem aut modum. Non libet enim mihi deplorare vitam, quod multi et ei docti saepe fecerunt, neque me vixisse paenitet, quoniam ita vixi, ut non frustra me natum existimem, et ex vita ita discedo tamquam ex hospitio, non tamquam e domo; commorandi enim natura divorsorium nobis, non habitandi dedit.

This last bit made me think of Lucretius:

De Rerum Natura, 3.970-971

“Thus one thing never ceases to arise from another,
and life is given to no one for ownership, but to all for rent.”

sic aliud ex alio numquam desistet oriri
vitaque mancipio nulli datur, omnibus usu

Image result for medieval manuscript de senectute

Cicero, Always Chirping about the Ides of March

Earlier in the Month I posted some of Cicero’s comments about the Ides of March to Brutus. Here is a letter from Brutus complaining about Cicero.

Letters: Brutus to Atticus, I.17

“You write to me that Cicero is amazed that I say nothing about his deeds. Since you are hassling me, I will write you what I think thanks to your coaxing.

I know that Cicero has done everything with the best intention. What could be more proved to me than his love for the republic? But certain things seem to me, what can I say, that the most prudent man has acted as if inexperienced or ambitiously, this man who was not reluctant to take on Antony as an enemy when he was strongest?

I don’t know what to write to you except a single thing: the boy’s desire and weakness have been increased rather than repressed by Cicero and that he grinds on so far in his indulgence that he does not refrain from invectives that rebound in two ways. For he too has killed many and he must admit that he is an assassin before what he objects to Casca—in which case he acts the part of Bestia to Casca—

Or because we are not tossing about every hour the Ides of March the way he always has the Nones of December in his mouth, will Cicero find fault in the most noble deed from a better vantage point than Bestia and Clodius were accustomed to insult his consulship?

Our toga-clad friend Cicero brags that he has stood up to Antony’s war. How does it profit me if the cost of Antony defeated is the resumption of Antony’s place?  Or if our avenger of this evil has turned out to be the author of another—an evil which has a foundation and deeper roots, even if we concede <whether it is true or not> those things which he does come from the fact that he either fears tyranny or Antony as a tyrant?

 But I don’t have gratitude for anyone who does not protest the situation itself provided only that he serves one who is not raging at him. Triumphs, stipends, encouragement with every kind of degree so that it does not shame him to desire the fortune of the man whose name he has taken—is that a mark of a Consular man, of a Cicero?

1Scribis mihi mirari Ciceronem quod nihil significem umquam de suis actis; quoniam me flagitas, coactu tuo scribam quae sentio.

Omnia fecisse Ciceronem optimo animo scio. quid enim mihi exploratius esse potest quam illius animus in rem publicam? sed quaedam mihi videtur—quid dicam? imperite vir omnium prudentissimus an ambitiose fecisse, qui valentissimum Antonium suscipere pro re publica non dubitarit inimicum? nescio quid scribam tibi nisi unum: pueri et cupiditatem et licentiam potius esse irritatam quam repressam a Cicerone, tantumque eum tribuere huic indulgentiae ut se maledictis non abstineat iis quidem quae in ipsum dupliciter recidunt, quod et pluris occidit uno seque prius oportet fateatur sicarium quam obiciat Cascae quod obicit et imitetur in Casca Bestiam. an quia non omnibus horis iactamus Idus Martias similiter atque ille Nonas Decembris suas in ore habet, eo meliore condicione Cicero pulcherrimum factum vituperabit quam Bestia et Clodius reprehendere illius consulatum soliti sunt?

Sustinuisse mihi gloriatur bellum Antoni togatus Cicero noster. quid hoc mihi prodest, si merces Antoni oppressi poscitur in Antoni locum successio et si vindex illius mali auctor exstitit alterius fundamentum et radices habituri altiores, si patiamur, ut iam <dubium sit utrum>ista quae facit dominationem an dominum [an] Antonium timentis sint? ego autem gratiam non habeo si quis, dum ne irato serviat, rem ipsam non deprecatur. immo triumphus et stipendium et omnibus decretis hortatio ne eius pudeat concupiscere fortunam cuius nomen susceperit, consularis aut Ciceronis est?

Image result for Ancient Roman Cicero

 

Hedonism and Suicide

Hugh E.P. Platt, A Last Ramble in the Classics:

“Roman philosophy is generally regarded as a mere reflection of the philosophy of Greece; and certainly I shall not venture to dispute this view. I would only remark that in any speculative subject, except for its own students, the opinions of the pupils who enter the world are often of greater interest than the doctrines of the learned professor who instructed them. To a person studying political economy the teaching of Adam Smith is of greater moment than the conclusions of William Pitt. But in what I may call general history the conclusions of William Pitt are of no less moment than the teaching of his master. So Phaedrus and Diodotus and Philo were undoubtedly more capable philosophers than Cicero; but most of us would rather possess Cicero’s philosophical writings than the writings of all three. However, my object in this note is to call attention to a single matter in which, as I think, a Roman author perceived a logical consequence of a system of morals more clearly than the Greeks. Possibly I ought to except Hegesias the Cyrenaic.

To be complete, any hedonistic system must assign a place, and a very important place, to suicide. Whatever value one sets on different pains and pleasures, there must be many persons in whose existence the pains present and future greatly preponderate. In all these cases suicide is the logical issue of hedonism. Further, a survey of life will lead many hedonists to pessimism. But to pessimism there is one unanswerable reply: ‘malum est in necessitate vivere. Sed in necessitate vivere necessitas nulla est.’ [‘It is bad to live in need. But there is no need to live in need.’] Sen. Ep. 12. Years ago a friend of mine used to maintain that a father owed his son a series of written apologies for bringing him into the world, and that the apology should always take the form of a cheque. But the father, if a hedonist, might retort,’ I have brought you into the world, and given you the opportunity of enjoying yourself there. If you do not like it, you need not stay. ‘Nil melius aeterna lex fecit, quam quod unum introitum nobis ad vitam dedit, exitus multos.‘ [‘The eternal law did nothing better than to give us one entrance into life, but many possible exits.’] ibid. 70.

Now Seneca, though the most unsystematic of writers, is the one philosopher who has perceived this result of a system clearly. The reader of the Epistles will observe that, though Seneca is commonly classed as a stoic, he constantly based what I may call his advocacy of suicide on hedonistic grounds. In this he was more consistent than the Greeks. Every student of philosophy must have been surprised to find that while stoicism upheld necessity and predestination, Epicurus tried to combine with a mechanical theory of atoms the incompatible doctrine of the freedom of the will. No less incongruous does it appear that the stoics rather than the epicureans undertook the defence of the legitimacy of suicide. How can such a course be reconciled with the teaching of the Porch? For the wise man who has attained virtue, or for the rest of mankind who may attain it, to commit suicide is to abandon the summum bonum or to resign the hope of it. Such abandonment or such resignation is absurd on the part of a philosopher, who knows how utterly trivial are the ἀποπροηγμένα which lead to such an act. In one contingency only, as it seems to me, could a stoic reasonably withdraw from life. It was the opinion of Chrysippus that virtue is not indefectible, and that the wise man may lose it through intoxication or insanity; Diog. L. vii. 127. In so melancholy an event the suicide of a stoic may perhaps be pardoned.

I would only add that hedonism implies a further requirement. Though his pains greatly exceed his pleasures, a man may be physically incapable of committing suicide, if, for example, he is paralysed. In such a case in a hedonistic society his friends would provide him with an euthanasia. On this subject, however, Seneca is silent.”

Manuel Domínguez Sánchez, The Suicide of Seneca

How Many Kisses?

Catullus Carmen 7

You ask me, how many kisses of yours,
Lesbia, are enough for me and more.
As great the number as Libyan sands
Lie among Cyrene, the Silphian producing lands
Between the oracle of stormy Jove
And ancient Battus’ sacred grave.
Or as many stars when the night is still
gaze upon humanity’s secret loves.
That is how many kisses are enough to kiss
And more for you and your insane Catullus.
Which the curious could not count.
Nor use their wicked talk to curse.”

Quaeris, quot mihi basiationes
tuae, Lesbia, sint satis superque.
quam magnus numerus Libyssae harenae
lasarpiciferis iacet Cyrenis
oraclum Iovis inter aestuosi
et Batti veteris sacrum sepulcrum;
aut quam sidera multa, cum tacet nox,
furtivos hominum vident amores:
tam te basia multa basiare
vesano satis et super Catullo est,
quae nec pernumerare curiosi
possint nec mala fascinare lingua.

Image result for medieval manuscript kiss
Bodleian, MS. Douce 195, detail of f. 151r (“Pygmalion embraces the statue, as it lies half-undressed on the bed”).

Poets: Gardeners of the Mind

Simonides, fr. 6.3

“Simonides said that Hesiod is a gardener while Homer is a garland-weaver—the first planted the legends of the heroes and gods and then the second braided together them the garland of the Iliad and the Odyssey.”

GNOMOL. VAT. GR. 1144 (= Hesiod. T 18d Jac): Σιμωνίδης τὸν ῾Ησίοδον κηπουρὸν ἔλεγε, τὸν δὲ ῞Ομηρον στεφανηπλόκον, τὸν μὲν ὡς φυτεύσαντα τὰς περὶ θεῶν καὶ ἡρώων μυθολογίας, τὸν δὲ ὡς ἐξ αὐτῶν συμπλέξαντα τὸν᾿Ιλιάδος καὶ Οδυσσείας στέφανον.

κηπολόγος: “teaching in the garden”

κηποποιία: “garden making”

κηποτάφιον: “a garden grave”

κηποτύρρανος: “tyrant of the garden”

κηπουργός: “garden worker”

κηποφύλαξ: “guardian of the garden”
Od. 24. 336–339

“But, come, if I may tell you about the trees through the well-founded orchard
The ones which you gave to me—when I was a child I asked you about each
As I followed you through the garden. We traced a path through them
And you named and spoke about each one.”

εἰ δ’ ἄγε τοι καὶ δένδρε’ ἐϋκτιμένην κατ’ ἀλῳὴν
εἴπω, ἅ μοί ποτ’ ἔδωκας, ἐγὼ δ’ ᾔτευν σε ἕκαστα
παιδνὸς ἐών, κατὰ κῆπον ἐπισπόμενος· διὰ δ’ αὐτῶν
ἱκνεύμεσθα, σὺ δ’ ὠνόμασας καὶ ἔειπες ἕκαστα.

Alex Purves (2010:228) retraces these steps as Odysseus “taking an imaginary walk through the orchard in his mind just as [Elizabeth] Minchin has suggested that Homer takes a cognitive walk through the Peloponnese in order to recount the Catalogue of Ships (2001: 84-7).”

Plato, Ion

“For poets certainly tell us that they bring us songs by drawing from the honey-flowing springs or certain gardens and glades of the Muses just like bees. And because they too are winged, they also speak the truth.”

Λέγουσι γὰρ δήπουθεν πρὸς ἡμᾶς οἱ ποιηταί, ὅτι ἀπὸ κρηνῶν μελιρρύτων ἢ ἐκ Μουσῶν κήπων τινῶν καὶ ναπῶν δρεπόμενοι τὰ μέλη ἡμῖν φέρουσιν ὥσπερ αἱ
μέλιτται. καὶ αὐτοὶ οὕτω πετόμενοι, καὶ ἀληθῆ λέγουσι.

Image result for medieval manuscript gardening
The Mysterious Garden, from a miniature medieval manuscript, Guillaume de Machaut: Poetical Work

his video is pure genius:

Do you ever grow anything in the garden of your mind?”