Helen’s Sons and Menelaos’ Bastards

In Homer, Helen and Menelaos have a single child, Hermione and there is a reference to Menelaos’ son Megapenthes. But there are no mentions of Helen having children with anyone else. The mythographical tradition fixes this.

Jacoby BNJ 758 F 6 = Scholia on Euripides, Andromache 898

“Lysimachus and some others report that Nikostratos was also born from Helen. But the one who gathered the Cypriot tales says that it was Pleisthenes who came to Cyprus with Aganos and that he was the child born to Alexander from Helen.”

Λυσίμαχος καὶ ἄλλοι τινὲς ἱστοροῦσιν γενέσθαι ἐξ ῾Ελένης καὶ Νικόστρατον. ὁ δὲ τὰς Κυπριακὰς ἰστορίας συντάξας Πλεισθένην φησί, μεθ᾽ οὗ εἰς Κύπρον ἀφῖχθαι καὶ τὸν ἐξ αὐτῆς τεχθέντα ᾽Αλεξάνδρωι ῎Αγανον.

Apollodorus 3.133

“Menelaos fathered Hermione from Helen and according to some others Nikostraos; Akousilaos claims that [Menelaos] fathered Megapenthes with a servant girl who was Aitolian in race (she was named Pieres, or, it was Tereis who was Pierian; according to Eumelos he gave birth to a son named Xenodamos from a nymph named Knossia.”

Μενέλαος μὲν οὖν ἐξ ῾Ελένης ῾Ερμιόνην ἐγέννησε καὶ κατά τινας Νικόστρατον, ἐκ δούλης <δὲ> [Πιερίδος] γένος Αἰτωλίδος ἤ, καθάπερ ᾽Ακουσίλαός φησι, <Πιερίδος> [Τηρηίδος], Μεγαπένθη, ἐκ Κνωσσίας δὲ νύμφης κατὰ Εὐμηλον Ξενόδαμον.

Menelaus intends to strike Helen; struck by her beauty, he drops his swords. A flying Eros and Aphrodite (on the left) watch the scene. Detail of an Attic red-figure crater, ca. 450–440 BC, found in Gnathia (now Egnazia, Italy).
Menelaus intends to strike Helen; struck by her beauty, he drops his swords. A flying Eros and Aphrodite (on the left) watch the scene. Detail of an Attic red-figure crater, ca. 450–440 BC, found in Gnathia (now Egnazia, Italy).

 

Reading Books and Dreading Death

Martin Amis once suggested that Philip Larkin was afflicted by ‘early death awareness syndrome,’ an obsession with his own personal eschatology that sapped him of vitality and turned him into the sad sack who, for all of the straitened confinement of his personal life, composed some of the finest verbal expressions of the sorrow of drab quotidian existence. A cursory search through the archives of this blog will remind the casual reader that the ancients (and what a ridiculous abstraction that term is!) were similarly afflicted by this view to the end, though it seems rather to have animated them to search for alternative immortalities. Reader, you are no doubt already anticipating my next point: from Achilles on downward through the stream of time it’s a long series of grappling matches with that still unresolved problem. Achilles settled for KLEOS as fair compensation for an early end. Centuries later, Horace saved his own life by taking Archilochus not only as a poetic model, but the inspiration for an act of life-saving cowardice (or prudence). It afforded him the chance to compose his monumentum aere perennius (a monument more lasting than bronze) and he lives on in print.

But let’s get real: posthumous glory is worthless, a lesson which Achilles learned and imparted. As scholars, we are tempted to think that the work, not the life, is of chief importance, but most work has gone the way of most lives – utterly forgotten.

A few days ago, I did something that I do with ungentlemanly frequency: I went to the bookstore. Anyone who frequents used bookshops is aware that the chief attraction of such places, beyond the fact that they’re troves of esoteric treasures that simply have no home in algorithmically-stocked emporia is the residue of life to be found in every volume. Is that a five dollar bill used as a bookmark? Does this receipt from the tire shop dated 1985 a sign that someone was reading The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire for an improving couple of hours in the waiting room? Most of this contains mere hints at a person’s life because, generally speaking, it is contained in one volume. But occasionally you will find an entire collection of books and acquire, in one expensive sweep, a sizable chunk of someone’s library.

This has happened to me on three notable occasions. About 14 years ago I acquired something close to 100 volumes of Teubners, OCT’s, a number of commentaries, and even a load of uncut Belles Lettres editions of Greek texts for about $500. Given the store’s proximity to the University of Texas, I could only infer that this was the collection of some recently deceased classicist, but I had no real lead as to whose it was. Right before the pandemic, I snagged about 40 Greek Loebs from the collection of Hobart Huson.And just a few days ago, I stumbled into that same Half Price Books that offered up that initial accession of classics and walked out with several of Karl Galinsky’s books. Galinsky

Galinsky followed a practice which I have always found fascinating: not just inscribing his name on the pasteboard or flyleaf of each volume, but also noting the date when he acquired each volume. More than the stray receipts sandwiched between pages, this gives the new owner some indication of the diachronic course of their previous owner’s intellectual interests (or compulsions). Student editions with commentary in the 1960s at Princeton yield to uncribbed Teubners and OCTs in the following decades. Later still, he was reading Cassius Dio in a Loeb edition. (Those of us who refuse to yield to the old impulse to feel dirty about consulting Loebs will be happy to learn that the English half of the text is liberally sprinkled with marginalia. I recall hearing that Shackleton Bailey, too, liked reading the translations before bed.)

Such knowledge always imparts a sting to the usual thrill of acquisition. Professor Galinsky was reading Propertius with commentary in 1964, but now he is gone. I’m reading that Propertius volume now, but I too will soon enough be just as dead as Galinsky or Propertius.

My house is full of books – rooms full of shelves only loosely organized because of the constant influx of new material. I’m often asked why I don’t simply check things out from the library and cease living from paycheck to paycheck in thrall to tsundoku. I’ve always feared that, no matter how much I feel enriched by any given reading experience, there would be something inherently ephemeral and unstable about it if I didn’t have some physical monument to it, even when I know that I am not likely ever to read through the book again.

We all labor under silly compulsions which our rational minds can reject readily enough. For all of the vivacity of great books, they are ultimately dead. By the time that any thought is committed to the page, it belongs securely in the unreal and vanished world of the past, printed on dead material, lifeless and inert except when reanimated through readerly attention. But somehow their presence feels to me like a bulwark against mortality. Here’s a paradox: an assurance of stability fostered by the words of long-dead people laid out on fragile, inert matter. Or so I feel until I glimpse those names and dates on the flyleaf and realize that book ownership did nothing to prevent the deaths of the previous owners.

Though I am a material beneficiary of such an act, the post-mortem parcelling out of a beloved personal library strikes a ghoulish and unfeeling note. Thomas Jefferson was able to maintain the integrity of his collection (and escape some inconvenient debts) by making it the seed of the Library of Congress. In George Eliot’s Romola, one of the chief drivers of the plot is the Bardo de’ Bardi’s desire to keep his library together after his death:

“No, Romola,” he said, pausing against the bust of Hadrian, and passing his stick from the right to the left that he might explore the familiar outline with a “seeing hand.” “There will be nothing else to preserve my memory and carry down my name as a member of the great republic of letters—nothing but my library and my collection of antiquities. And they are choice,” continued Bardo, pressing the bust and speaking in a tone of insistence. “The collections of Niccolò I know were larger; but take any collection which is the work of a single man—that of the great Boccaccio even—mine will surpass it. That of Poggio was contemptible compared with mine. It will be a great gift to unborn scholars. And there is nothing else. For even if I were to yield to the wish of Aldo Manuzio when he sets up his press at Venice, and give him the aid of my annotated manuscripts, I know well what would be the result: some other scholar’s name would stand on the title-page of the edition—some scholar who would have fed on my honey, and then declared in his preface that he had gathered it all himself fresh from Hymettus. Else, why have I refused the loan of many an annotated codex? why have I refused to make public any of my translations? why? but because scholarship is a system of licenced robbery, and your man in scarlet and furred robe who sits in judgment on thieves, is himself a thief of the thoughts and the fame that belong to his fellows. But against that robbery Bardo de’ Bardi shall struggle—though blind and forsaken, he shall struggle. I too have a right to be remembered—as great a right as Pontanus or Merula, whose names will be foremost on the lips of posterity, because they sought patronage and found it; because they had tongues that could flatter, and blood that was used to be nourished from the client’s basket. I have a right to be remembered.”

I can consider with some equanimity the mere fact of nonexistence, but the mind recoils in horror at the thought of all of my books being dispersed and disposed of, whether in the thrift store or the scrap heap. Right now, they form a cohesive whole: a visible record of all the things that ever interested me. Later, they will be little more than pieces of junk, an inconvenient heap that some survivor has to deal with. Some of them may form pieces of another’s collection, but once my own life is over, so too the loose narrative and contextual bond that united them all will be dissolved. As a corpse decays and returns its fragments of materiality to the world, so does a personal library dissolve into its disparate parts which may have significance of their own but will never mean the same thing again.

Like all reflections on mortality, this will all seem either entirely trite and uninteresting unless you’re in one of those moods to wax maudlin about the terror of death. Ancient poets seemed happy  (or miserable) to harp on about it at length, so I have granted myself some space to do it here. Quod Homero mihi quoque licet. These last few days have convinced me that my entire course of classical reading over the past twenty years has really just been a search for stability in a world of Heraclitan flux. These dire intimations of mortality suggest that I was too busy thinking of books as objects to internalize their lessons. I had collected them for their material heft and apparent permanence, but the inscription ‘Galinsky – 1963’ reminded me that we are closer to 2063 than to 1963, and now these volumes are nothing but reminders of universal impermanence. To return to Larkin: “Get stewed – books are a load of crap.”

Quintilian: Advice for Judging Great Authors

Quintilian, Inst. Orat. 10.1.24-26

“Let the reader not be persuaded as a matter of course that everything the best authors said is perfect. For they slip at times, they give in to their burdens, and they delight in the pleasure of their own abilities. They do not always pay attention; and they often grow tired. Demosthenes seems to doze to Cicero; Homer naps for Horace. Truly, they are great, but they are still mortals and it happens that those who believe that whatever appears in these authors should be laws for speaking often imitate their lesser parts, since this is easier—and they believe they are enough like them if they emulate the faults of great authors.

Still, one must pass judgment on these men with modesty and care to avoid what often happens when people condemn what they do not understand. If it is necessary to err in either part, I would prefer readers to enjoy everything in these authors rather than dismiss much.”

Neque id statim legenti persuasum sit, omnia quae summi auctores dixerint utique esse perfecta. Nam et labuntur aliquando et oneri cedunt et indulgent ingeniorum suorum voluptati, nec semper intendunt animum, nonnumquam fatigantur, cum Ciceroni dormitare interim Demosthenes, Horatio vero etiam Homerus ipse videatur.  Summi enim sunt, homines tamen, acciditque iis qui quidquid apud illos reppererunt dicendi legem putant ut deteriora imitentur (id enim est facilius), ac se abunde similes putent si vitia magnorum consequantur. Modesto tamen et circumspecto iudicio de tantis viris pronuntiandum est, ne, quod plerisque accidit, damnent quae non intellegunt. Ac si necesse est in alteram errare partem, omnia eorum legentibus placere quam multa displicere maluerim.

Libros antiguos en Baeza, Andalucía

Reputable Tales about Ariadne; And Weird Ones Too

The following account is interesting for the variations in the story of Ariadne and Theseus but also for the strange detail of the ritual where young men imitate a woman in childbirth. Also, the counterfeit letters bit is precious. What would they say?.

Other tales about Ariadne, According to Plutarch (Theseus 20)

“There are many other versions circulated about these matters still and also about Ariadne, none of which agree. For some say that she hanged herself after she was abandoned by Theseus. Others claim that after she was taken to Naxos by sailors she lived with Oinaros a priest of Dionysus and that she was abandoned by Theseus because he loved another.

“A terrible lust for Aiglê the daughter of Panopeus ate at him” [fr. 105]—this is a line Hereas the Megarean claims Peisistratus deleted from the poems of Hesiod, just as again he says that he inserted into the Homeric catalogue of dead “Theseus and Perithoos, famous children of the gods” [Od. 11.631] to please the Athenans. There are some who say that Ariadne gave birth to Oinipiôn and Staphulos with Theseus. One of these is Ion of  Khios who has sung about his own city “Oinopiôn, Theseus’ son, founded this city once.” [fr. 4D]

The most reputable of the myths told are those which, as the saying goes, all people have in their mouths. But Paiôn the Amathousian has handed down a particular tale about these events. For he says that Theseus was driven by a storm, to Cyprus and that he had Ariadne with him, who was pregnant and doing quite badly because of the sea and the rough sailing. So he set her out alone and he was carried back into the sea from the land while he was tending to the ship. The native women, then, received Ariadne and they tried to ease her depression because of her loneliness by offering her a counterfeit letter written to her by Theseus and helping her and supporting her during childbirth. They buried her when she died before giving birth.

Paiôn claims that when Theseus returned he was overcome with grief and he left money to the island’s inhabitants, charging them to sacrifice to Ariadne and to have two small statues made for her—one of silver and one of bronze. During the second day of the month of Gorpiaon at the sacrifice, one of the young men lies down and mouns and acts as women do during childbirth. They call the grove in which they claim her tomb is that of Ariadne Aphrodite.

Some of the Naxians claim peculiarly that there were two Minoses and two Ariadnes. They claim one was married to Dionysus on Naxos and bore the child Staphulos, and the young one was taken by Theseus and left when he came to Naxos with a nurse named Korkunê—whose tomb they put on display. They claim that Ariadne died there and has honors unequal to those of the earlier one. The first has a festival of singing and play; the second has one where sacrifices are performed with grief and mourning.”

Πολλοὶ δὲ λόγοι καὶ περὶ τούτων ἔτι λέγονται καὶ περὶ τῆς Ἀριάδνης, οὐδὲν ὁμολογούμενον ἔχοντες. οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἀπάγξασθαί φασιν αὐτὴν ἀπολειφθεῖσαν ὑπὸ τοῦ Θησέως, οἱ δὲ εἰς Νάξον ὑπὸ ναυτῶν κομισθεῖσαν Οἰνάρῳ τῷ ἱερεῖ τοῦ Διονύσου συνοικεῖν, ἀπολειφθῆναι δὲ τοῦ Θησέως ἐρῶντος ἑτέρας· Δεινὸς γάρ μιν ἔτειρεν ἔρως Πανοπηΐδος Αἴγλης. τοῦτο γὰρ τὸ ἔπος ἐκ τῶν Ἡσιόδου Πεισίστρατον ἐξελεῖν φησιν Ἡρέας ὁ Μεγαρεύς, ὥσπερ αὖ πάλιν ἐμβαλεῖν εἰς τὴν Ὁμήρου νέκυιαν τὸ Θησέα Πειρίθοόν τε θεῶν ἀριδείκετα τέκνα,χαριζόμενον Ἀθηναίοις· ἔνιοι δὲ καὶ τεκεῖν ἐκ Θησέως Ἀριάδνην Οἰνοπίωνα καὶ Στάφυλον· ὧν καὶ ὁ Χῖος Ἴων ἐστὶ περὶ τῆς ἑαυτοῦ πατρίδος λέγων· Τήν ποτε Θησείδης ἔκτισεν Οἰνοπίων.

Ἃ δ᾿ ἐστὶν εὐφημότατα τῶν μυθολογουμένων, πάντες ὡς ἔπος εἰπεῖν διὰ στόματος ἔχουσιν. ἴδιον δέ τινα περὶ τούτων λόγον ἐκδέδωκε Παίων ὁ Ἀμαθούσιος. τὸν γὰρ Θησέα φησὶν ὑπὸ χειμῶνος εἰς Κύπρον ἐξενεχθέντα καὶ τὴν Ἀριάδνην ἔγκυον ἔχοντα, φαύλως δὲ διακειμένην ὑπὸ τοῦ σάλου καὶ δυσφοροῦσαν, ἐκβιβάσαι μόνην, αὐτὸν δὲ τῷ πλοίῳ βοηθοῦντα πάλιν εἰς τὸ πέλαγος ἀπὸ τῆς γῆς φέρεσθαι. τὰς οὖν ἐγχωρίους γυναῖκας τὴν Ἀριάδνην ἀναλαβεῖν καὶ περιέπειν ἀθυμοῦσαν ἐπὶ τῇ μονώσει, καὶ γράμματα πλαστὰ προσφέρειν, ὡς τοῦ Θησέως γράφοντος αὐτῇ, καὶ περὶ τὴν ὠδῖνα συμπονεῖν καὶ βοηθεῖν· ἀποθανοῦσαν δὲ θάψαι μὴ τεκοῦσαν. ἐπελθόντα δὲ τὸν Θησέα καὶ περίλυπον γενόμενον τοῖς μὲν ἐγχωρίοις ἀπολιπεῖν χρήματα, συντάξαντα θύειν τῇ Ἀριάδνῃ, δύο δὲ μικροὺς ἀνδριαντίσκους ἱδρύσασθαι, τὸν μὲν ἀργυροῦν, τὸν δὲ χαλκοῦν. ἐν δὲ τῇ θυσίᾳ τοῦ Γορπιαίου μηνὸς ἱσταμένου δευτέρᾳ κατακλινόμενόν τινα τῶν νεανίσκων φθέγγεσθαι καὶ ποιεῖν ἅπερ ὠδίνουσαι γυναῖκες· καλεῖν δὲ τὸ ἄλσος Ἀμαθουσίους, ἐν ᾧ τὸν τάφον δεικνύουσιν, Ἀριάδνης Ἀφροδίτης.

Καὶ Ναξίων δέ τινες ἰδίως ἱστοροῦσι δύο Μίνωας γενέσθαι καὶ δύο Ἀριάδνας, ὧν τὴν μὲν Διονύσῳ γαμηθῆναί φασιν ἐν Νάξῳ καὶ τοὺς περὶ Στάφυλον τεκεῖν, τὴν δὲ νεωτέραν ἁρπασθεῖσαν ὑπὸ τοῦ Θησέως καὶ ἀπολειφθεῖσαν εἰς Νάξον ἐλθεῖν, καὶ τροφὸν μετ᾿ αὐτῆς ὄνομα Κορκύνην, ἧς δείκνυσθαι τάφον. ἀποθανεῖν δὲ καὶ τὴν Ἀριάδνην αὐτόθι καὶ τιμὰς ἔχειν οὐχ ὁμοίας τῇ προτέρᾳ. τῇ μὲν γὰρ ἡδομένους καὶ παίζοντας ἑορτάζειν, τὰς δὲ ταύτῃ δρωμένας θυσίας εἶναι πένθει τινὶ καὶ στυγνότητι μεμιγμένας.

heseus and Ariadne, painting by Antoinette Béfort, Salon of 1812 and 1814. Formerly in the Walter P. Chrysler Jr. collection as a work by Anne-Louis Girodet. Attributed to Béfort by Margaret A. Oppenheimer (Four 'Davids,' a 'Regnault,' and a 'Girodet' reattributed : female artists at the Paris salons, Apollo, 145, 424,‎ 1997, p. 38-44).

“Theseus and Ariadne”, painting by Antoinette Béfort, Salon of 1812

Sleep, Death, and Dying: Some Anecdotes for a Monday

These sayings come from the Gnomologium Vaticanum

128 “When Aesop was asked what would be humankind’s biggest problem, he responded “If the dead return and ask for their stuff back.”

῾Ο αὐτὸς ἐρωτώμενος ὑπό τινος πῶς ἂν μεγίστη ταραχὴ γένοιτο ἐν ἀνθρώποις ἔφη· „εἰ οἱ τετελευτηκότες ἀναστάντες ἀπαιτοῖεν τὰ ἴδια.”

 

160 “Biôn used to say that [we have] two teachers for death: the time before we were born and sleep.”

Βίων ἔλεγε δύο διδασκαλίας θανάτου εἶναι, τόν τε πρὸ τοῦ γενέσθαι χρόνον καὶ τὸν ὕπνον.

 

446 “Plato said that sleep was a short-lived death but death was a long-lived sleep.”

῾Ο αὐτὸς ἔφησε τὸν μὲν ὕπνον ὀλιγοχρόνιον θάνατον, τὸν δὲ θάνατον πολυχρόνιον ὕπνον.

 

64 “Anaxarkhos, the natural philosopher, when king Alexander said to him “I will hang you” responded: “Threaten others. It is no difference to me whether I rot above or below the earth.”

᾿Ανάξαρχος, ὁ φυσικὸς φιλόσοφος, ᾿Αλεξάνδρου τοῦ βασιλέως εἰπόντος αὐτῷ· „κρεμῶ σε”, „ἄλλοις”, ἔφη, „ἀπείλει· ἐμοὶ δὲ οὐδὲν διαφέρει ὑπὲρ γῆς ἢ κατὰ γῆς σήπεσθαι.”

On the main body, Achilles (naked, on the right) kills Penthesilea (wearing Lycian clothes, on the left) with his spear, while an Amazon comes to the latter's help.Above them, Sarpedon is being carried (barely visible in the hydria, only the legs) by Hipnos and Thanatos. Protolucana red-figure hydria by the Policoro Painter, ca. 400 BC. From the so-called tomb of the Policoro Painter in Heraclaea. Stored in the Museo Nazionale Archaeologico of Policoro.
On the main body, Achilles (naked, on the right) kills Penthesilea (wearing Lycian clothes, on the left) with his spear, while an Amazon comes to the latter’s help.Above them, Sarpedon is being carried (barely visible in the hydria, only the legs) by Hipnos and Thanatos. Protolucana red-figure hydria by the Policoro Painter, ca. 400 BC. From the so-called tomb of the Policoro Painter in Heraclaea. Stored in the Museo Nazionale Archaeologico of Policoro.

The Cyclops Had Three Eyes and They Were His Brothers

John Malalas, Chronographia, V

“The wise Euripides put in his poetic drama about the Cyclops that he had three eyes, indicating by this that he had three brothers and that they cared for one another and kept a watchful eye on one another’s places in the island, fought together, and avenged one another.

And he also adds that he made the Cyclops drunk and unable to flee, because Odysseus made that very Cyclops “drunk” with a ton of money and gifts so he would not “eat those with him up”, which is not actually to consume them with slaughter.

He also says that Odysseus blinded his one eye with torch fire, really meaning that he stole away the only daughter of Polyphemos’ brother, a maiden named Elpê, with “fire”, which means he seized her on fire with burning lust. This is what it means that he burned Polyphemos in one of his eyes, he really deprived him of his daughter. The very wise Pheidias of Corinth provided this interpretation saying that Euripides explained this poetically because he did not agree with what the wisest Homer said about the wandering of Odysseus.”

ὁ γὰρ σοφὸς Εὐριπίδης <ποιητικῶς> δρᾶμα ἐξέθετο περὶ τοῦ Κύκλωπος, ὅτι τρεῖς ἔσχεν ὀφθαλμούς, σημαίνων τοὺς τρεῖς ἀδελφοὺς (50 F 2) ὡς συμπαθοῦντας ἀλλήλοις καὶ διαβλεπομένους τοὺς ἀλλήλων τόπους τῆς νήσου καὶ συμμαχοῦντας καὶ ἐκδικοῦντας ἀλλήλους. (2) καὶ ὅτι οἴνωι μεθύσας τὸν Κύκλωπα ἐκφυγεῖν ἠδυνήθη, διότι χρήμασι πολλοῖς καὶ δώροις ἐμέθυσε τὸν αὐτὸν Κύκλωπα ὁ ᾽Οδυσσεὺς πρὸς τὸ μὴ κατεσθίειν τοὺς μετ᾽ αὐτοῦ, <τουτέστι μὴ καταναλίσκειν σφαγαῖς>. (3) καὶ ὅτι λαβὼν ᾽Οδυσσεὺς λαμπάδα πυρὸς ἐτύφλωσε τὸν ὀφθαλμὸν αὐτοῦ τὸν ἕνα, διὁτι τὴν θυγατέρα τὴν μονογενῆ τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ αὐτοῦ Πολυφήμου ῎Ελπην, παρθένον οὖσαν, λαμπάδι, πυρὸς ἐρωτικοῦ καυθεῖσαν ἥρπασε, τουτέστιν ἕνα τῶν ὀφθαλμῶν τοῦ Κύκλωπος ἐφλόγισε τὸν Πολύφημον τὴν αὐτοῦ θυγατέρα ἀφελόμενος. (4) ἥντινα ἑρμηνείαν ὁ σοφώτατος Φειδίας(?) ὁ Κορίνθιος ἐξέθετο, εἰρηκὼς ὅτι ὁ σοφὸς Εὐριπίδης ποιητικῶς πάντα μετέφρασε, μὴ συμφωνήσας τῶι σοφωτάτωι ῾Ομήρωι ἐκθεμένωι τὴν ᾽Οδυσσέως πλάνην.

Ok, this story might be totally nuts, but there was a scholiastic debate about how many eyes Polyphemos had.

color photograph of a painting, The Cyclops (1914). Oil on cardboard mounted on panel, 65.8 x 52.7 cm (25.9 x 20.7 in). Kröller-Müller Museum, Otterlo, Netherlands
The Cyclops (1914). Oil on cardboard mounted on panel, 65.8 x 52.7 cm (25.9 x 20.7 in). Kröller-Müller Museum, Otterlo, Netherlands

Some Exercise Advice for those Feeling Self Conscious Watching the Olympics

Celsus, 1.2.5-7

“Whether domestic or civic duties occupy you, keep some time of the day for caring for the body. The chief way of caring for the body is exercise and it should always be done before eating. The work should be greater for one who has labored less and digested well and less for one who is tired and has not digested.

Good exercises include reading aloud, drilling, playing ball, running, walking. The last is not the most useful on a level road, since going up or down moves the body with a variety, unless the body is completely weak. It is better to walk out in the open than under a roof. And it is also better, should your head endure it, to walk in the sun instead of the shade. But better still in the shade than under a roof and better a straight than an indirect walk.

The end of exercise, moreover, should come with sweat or some bit of tiring which should still be on this side of fatigue. Sometimes more and sometimes less needs to be done. But one should not follow the model of athletes with their fixed rule and excessive workout.”

Quem interdiu vel domestica vel civilia officia tenuerunt, huic tempus aliquod servandum curationi corporis sui est. Prima autem eius curatio exercitatio est, quae semper antecedere cibum debet, in eo, qui minus laboravit et bene concoxit, amplior; in eo, qui fatigatus est et minus concoxit, remissior.

Commode vero exercent clara lectio, arma, pila, cursus, ambulatio, atque haec non utique plana commodior est, siquidem melius ascensus quoque et descensus cum quadam varietate corpus moveat, nisi tamen id perquam inbecillum est: melior autem est sub divo quam in porticu; melior, si caput patitur, in sole quam in umbra, melior in umbra quam paries aut viridia efficiunt, quam quae tecto subest; melior recta quam flexuosa. Exercitationis autem plerumque finis esse debet sudor aut certe lassitudo, quae citra fatigationem sit, idque ipsum modo minus, modo magis faciendum est. Ac ne his quidem athletarum exemplo vel certa esse lex vel inmodicus labor debet.

Hippocrates, Regimen 2 61

“I will now explore what kind of impact exercises have. For some are natural and some are pretty violent. Natural exercise deals with sight, hearing, voice, and thinking. The power of sight is like this. The soul, when it attends to what can be seen, moves and warms. As it warms it dries because the moisture is extracted. In hearing, when sound strikes, the soul shakes and works and as it exercises, it turns warm and dries.

A person’s soul is moved by however many thoughts it has and it also warms and is dried and it spends its moisture as it works—it can empty the flesh and make a person thin. Whenever people exercise their voice either in speaking, reading or singing, all these things move the soul. When it is moved, it warms and dries and uses up the moisture.”

Περὶ δὲ τῶν πόνων ἥντινα ἔχουσι δύναμιν διηγήσομαι. εἰσὶ γὰρ οἱ μὲν κατὰ φύσιν, οἱ δὲ διὰ βίης· οἱ μὲν οὖν κατὰ φύσιν αὐτῶν εἰσιν ὄψιος πόνος, ἀκοῆς, φωνῆς, μερίμνης. ὄψιος μὲν οὖν δύναμις τοιήδε· προσέχουσα ἡ ψυχὴ τῷ ὁρατῷ κινεῖται καὶ θερμαίνεται· θερμαινομένη δὲ ξηραίνεται, κεκενωμένου τοῦ ὑγροῦ. διὰ δὲ τῆς ἀκοῆς ἐσπίπτοντος τοῦ ψόφου σείεται ἡ ψυχὴ καὶ πονεῖ, πονέουσα δὲ θερμαίνεται καὶ ξηραίνεται. ὅσα μεριμνᾷ ἄνθρωπος, κινεῖται ἡ ψυχὴ ὑπὸ τούτων καὶ θερμαίνεται καὶ ξηραίνεται, καὶ τὸ ὑγρὸν καταναλίσκουσα πονεῖ, καὶ κενοῖ τὰς σάρκας, καὶ λεπτύνει τὸν ἄνθρωπον. ὁκόσοι δὲ πόνοι φωνῆς, ἢ λέξιες ἢ ἀναγνώσιες ἢ ᾠδαί, πάντες οὗτοι κινέουσι τὴν ψυχήν· κινεομένη δὲ θερμαίνεται καὶ ξηραίνεται, καὶ τὸ ὑγρὸν καταναλίσκει

Bikini Mosaic
Villa Romana del Casale

Delighting the Soul with a Small Ball

Galen, On Exercise with A Small Ball, 1-2

“My Epigenes, how important for health exercise is—and how it is right to engage in it before good—has been sufficiently explained by much earlier men, the best of the philosophers and doctors. But no one before has sufficiently explained how much exercises with a small ball are better than the others. It is right, for this reason, for me to explain what I know so that you may evaluate it as someone who is of all men most well practiced in these arts and also so that it may be useful for others—should you truly believe that they have been elaborated sufficiently—when you share the work with them.

For I say that the best of all exercises are not only those which thoroughly wear out the body, but can also delight the soul. Men who invented the practice of hunting with dogs figured out how to combine hunting with pleasure, delight, and competitive spirit—they were wise in respect to human nature. The soul may be moved so much in this activity, that many people are freed from disease because of pleasure alone while many others who felt sickness coming on were relieved of the pressure.

There is nothing of the experiences of the body which is so strong that it completely overpowers the soul. Therefore, we should not neglect the movements of the spirit—whatever kind they are—but, instead, we should make a greater consideration of it than of the body because it is that much more powerful. This is certainly a shared quality of all exercises which happen pleasurably, but it is a choice quality of those performed with the small ball, which I will now explain.”

Πηλίκον μὲν ἀγαθόν ἐστιν, ὦ Ἐπίγενες, εἰς ὑγίειαν γυμνάσια, καὶ ὡς χρὴ τῶν σιτίων ἡγεῖσθαι αὐτά, παλαιοῖς ἀνδράσιν αὐτάρκως εἴρηται, φιλοσόφων τε καὶ ἰατρῶν τοῖς ἀρίστοις· ὅσον δ’ ὑπὲρ τἄλλα τὰ διὰ τῆς σμικρᾶς σφαίρας ἐστί, τοῦτ’ οὐδέπω τῶν πρόσθεν ἱκανῶς οὐδεὶς ἐξηγήσατο. δίκαιον οὖν ἡμᾶς ἃ γιγνώσκομεν εἰπεῖν, ὑπὸ σοῦ μὲν κριθησόμενα τοῦ πάντων ἠσκηκότος ἄριστα τὴν ἐν αὐτοῖς τέχνην, χρήσιμα δ’,3 εἴπερ ἱκανῶς εἰρῆσθαι δόξειε, καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις, οἷς ἂν μεταδῷς τοῦ λόγου, γενησόμενα.

φημὶ γὰρ ἄριστα μὲν ἁπάντων γυμνασίων εἶναι τὰ μὴ μόνον τὸ σῶμα διαπονεῖν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὴν ψυχὴν τέρπειν δυνάμενα. καὶ ὅσοι κυνηγέσια καὶ τὴν ἄλλην θήραν ἐξεῦρον, ἡδονῇ καὶ τέρψει καὶ φιλοτιμίᾳ τὸν ἐν αὐτοῖς πόνον κερασάμενοι, σοφοί τινες ἄνδρες ἦσαν καὶ φύσιν ἀνθρωπίνην ἀκριβῶς καταμεμαθηκότες. τοσοῦτον γὰρ ἐν αὐτῇ δύναται ψυχῆς κίνησις, ὥστε πολλοὶ μὲν ἀπηλλάγησαν νοσημάτων ἡσθέντες μόνον, πολλοὶ δ’ ἑάλωσαν ἀνιαθέντες. οὐδ’ ἔστιν οὐδὲν οὕτως ἰσχυρόν τι τῶν κατὰ τὸ σῶμα παθημάτων, ὡς κρατεῖν τῶν περὶ τὴν ψυχήν. οὔκουν οὐδ’ ἀμελεῖν χρὴ τῶν ταύτης κινήσεων ὁποῖαί τινες ἔσονται, πολὺ δὲ μᾶλλον ἢ τῶν τοῦ σώματος ἐπιμελεῖσθαι τά τ’ ἄλλα καὶ ὅσῳ κυριώτεραι. τοῦτο μὲν δὴ κοινὸν ἁπάντων γυμνασίων τῶν μετὰ τέρψεως, ἄλλα δ’ ἐξαίρετα τῶν διὰ τῆς σμικρᾶς σφαίρας, ἃ ἐγὼ νῦν ἐξηγήσομαι.

 Attic b.-f. lekythos. About 500 B. C. Oxford, Ashmolean Museum, 260. A bearded man prepares to throw a rather large ball. Three youths mounted pick-a-back are ready to catch it. Between two of them is inscribed κ λευσον, ‘Give the order’, the application of which is not clear.
Attic b.-f. lekythos. About 500 B. C. Oxford, Ashmolean Museum, 260. A bearded man prepares to throw a rather large ball. Three youths mounted pick-a-back are ready to catch it. Between two of them is inscribed κ λευσον, ‘Give the order’, the application of which is not clear.

Democracy in the Scholia to the Iliad

More on Force, Homer, and Politics

This post is a continuation of my substack on the Iliad. This post is part of my plan to share new scholarship on Homer. All proceeds from the substack are donated to classics adjacent non-profits on a monthly basis.

In Homer’s Iliad and the Problem of Force, Charles Stocking (see my earlier post about it), sets out to differentiate various words that are translated as “force” in Homer (e.g. biê, kratos, alkê, menos, sthenos, (w)is, and dynamis) as a corrective engagement with earlier approaches to force/violence and agency in the Homeric poems (especially Simone Weil and Bruno Snell).

In examining kratos, Stocking emphasizes that it “encapsulates a notion of “agonistic alterity,” where the force of kratos requires supremacy over others” (2023, 15). This argument is especially attractive when Stocking provides a reading of Nestor’s response to Achilles and Agamemnon in Iliad 1, where the elderly king of Pylos claims that Achilles is stronger (karteros), because he has a divine mother, but Agamemnon is better (pherteros) because he rules over many (1.280-281). Following Émile Benveniste, Stocking suggests that kratos is always relational—that is, it is about superiority in relation to others. In this passage, Nestor seems to innovate, creating what Stocking terms a “scale of superiority” to acknowledge Achilles’ genealogical superiority, Agamemnon’s political sovereignty, and his own superlative status (Nestor claims he fought with the kartistoi against the kartistoi). Agamemnon’s political power—which also comes from divine authority—is rendered as superior to Achilles’ birth.

Chapter 1—where Stocking engages with these arguments—makes creative and effective use of speech act theory (about which I will post later). In chapter 2, Stocking turns to kratos and its relationship to democracy, providing an engaged reading of Jacques Derrida’s Rogues, which reflects on the impact of Odysseus’ claim in Iliad 2, that “we can’t all be kings…the rule of many is not good…”. For Stocking (and for many like me, Elmer, Barker, Hammer etc.), this is part of the political debate at the heart of the Iliad. As he puts it “What is the relationship between physical force and power.

Drawing on linguistics and structuralism, Stocking uses Derrida’s notion of “ipsocentric force” to explore how the Iliad’s notion of politics “is inseparable from larger cosmic concerns..” In doing so, chapter 2 offers a close reading of the notion of political force in the Iliad, while also critiquing Derrida’s reading of Homeric kratos as “ipsocentric” (by which he means emerging from or relying on the self, and translating paradoxically into the bedrock formulations of democratic sovereignty). For Stocking—and the larger argument toward which he builds—Homeric discourse is subject to constant debate and cannot thus be reduced so directly.

File:Deianeira-type lekythos with the preparation of a warrior - KAMA.jpg
Deianeira-type lekythos with a depicition of the preparation of a warrior. Ca. 550 BC. Kerameikos Archaeological Museum (Athens). n° T 5B/VII.

I am a fan of any reading of Homer that acknowledges that its internal representation of a topic or debate is essentially dialogic (or dialectic). Homeric poetry is not propaganda—it may bear the imprint of different ideologies, but it emerges out of a plurality of meanings and presents a both a widening and narrowing of meaning. In approaching this oscillation of meaning, Stocking relies on semiotics and emphasizes how ore concepts in Homer represent the shifting and ultimately the breakdown of the relationship between signifier and signified (the word and the concept implied by the word). What I am not sure about, from my reading so far, is what Stocking is positing as the cause of such essential polysemy.

Still, this is more proof of the inviting way in which this book unfolds. I find myself writing a lot in the margins, underlining, objecting, and then reconsidering. One of the things that struck me in the introduction to chapter 2 was the quotation of a scholion to Odysseus’ famous words that glosses them as meaning “there won’t be a democracy”. Stocking suggests that the scholiast’s comments are anachronistic, but this assertion gave me pause.

If we treat the Homeric poems as diachronic objects—by which I mean, narratives that develop over time and absorb the characteristics of different periods and then are treated from different theoretical and aesthetic perspectives as they persist through other periods—then they are always, already anachronistic. But a view of the scholia’s invocations of democracy in general, show a rather consistent range of political responses that would be at home in the 5th century BCE (or earlier, as the Greek city states experimented with different political arrangements).

Below I have pulled out the five times I can find where a scholiast talks about democracy in reference to the Iliad. Note that in the first example, Achilles is called democratic for opposing Agamemnon. In the second, the scholiast notes a difference in expectations based on social status (perhaps seeing democratic rights as those connected to aristocratic position). The third and fifth examples invokes concepts of freedom of speech, emphasizing parrhesia (the right to say what you want) over isêgoria (the right to access to public speech in the assembly).

  1. “Not into war: this [is the statement] of a democratic king and a demagogue.”

Schol. AT ad Hom. Il. 1.226      ex. οὔτε ποτ’ ἐς πόλεμον: τοῦτο δημοκρατικοῦ βασιλέως καὶ δημαγωγικοῦ.

  1. “There’s no way we can all be king”: He means there will not be a democracy. If he were saying this to the more important men, he would be inciting rebellion, by assailing men eager for power in such a chaos”

Schol. bT ad Hom. Il 2.203b      ex. οὐ μέν πως πάντες βασιλεύσομεν: οὐκ ἔσται δημοκρατία, φησίν. εἰ δὲ τοῖς μείζοσι ταῦτα ἔλεγεν, ἐξῆπτε τὴν στάσιν, σπουδαρχιδῶν ἀνδρῶν ἐν τοσούτῳ θορύβῳ καθαπτόμενος.

  1. “This is right, lord, in the assembly” As is the custom in a democracy. This is placed in the agora, since it is the custom to speak with freedom of speech [parrêsia] in the assembly. People report that Seleukos took issue with the “Lord”, here.

Schol. D/A ad Hom. Il 9.33a    Nic. ἣ θέμις <ἐστίν, ἄναξ, ἀγορῇ>: ὡς νόμος ἐστὶν—ἐν δημοκρατίᾳ. | ἐπὶ δὲ τὸ ἀγορῇ στικτέον, ὡς νόμος ἐστὶν ἐκκλησίας μετὰ παρρησίας λέγειν. Σέλευκον (fr. 13 M. = fr. 12 D.) μέντοι φασὶνἐπὶ τὸ ἄναξ διαστέλλειν.

  1. “Go, there’s the road, but the rest will remain…” It is bitter for one of them to hear this, but especially sweet for the other to consider it. For Agamemnon wants to hear from the Achaeans that they are willing to accept the danger, as if they are part of a democracy, and not sent to this by force.”

Schol. bT ad Hom. Il 9.43-5      ex. ἔρχεο· πάρ τοι ὁδός<— /> ἀλλ’ ἄλλοι μενέουσι:πικρὰ μὲν τῷ ἀκούεσθαι, ἥδιστα δέ ἐστι τῷ νοεῖν· ταῦτα γὰρ ἀκούεινἐθέλει ᾿Αγαμέμνων παρὰ τῶν ᾿Αχαιῶν ὡς ἐθελονταὶ τὸν κίνδυνον ἀναδέχονται ὡς δημοκρατούμενοι, οὐ βιαζόμενοι.

  1. “Now I will tell you this again. We have “now” instead of “not among everyone”. For Hector is not rejecting advice, but instead equal access to speech [isêgoria] for everyone. The affairs of the Greeks are closer to democracy, and there is a great deal of freedom of speech [parrêsia] among the leaders. For instance, Diomedes says to Agamemnon, “I will fight with you foremost when you’re being foolish” and Odysseus says, “Ruinous one, I wish you ruled over a different, more unseemly army and weren’t lord over us!”

Schol. bT ad Hom. Il 12.215a      ex. νῦν δ’ αὖτ’ ἐξερέω: σοί. νῦν ἀντὶ τοῦ ‘οὐκ ἐν ἅ-πασιν’· ῞Εκτωρ γὰρ οὐ τὴν παραίνεσιν ἀποστρέφεται, ἀλλὰ τὴν ἐν ἅπασιν ἰσηγορίαν. τὰ δὲ ῾Ελληνικὰ πλησίον δημοκρατίας, καὶ παρρησία πολλὴ τοῖς ἡγεμόσι· πρὸς γοῦν τὸν ᾿Αγαμέμνονα Διομήδης φησὶν „᾿Ατρείδη, σοὶ πρῶτα μαχήσομαι <ἀφραδέοντι>” (Ι 32), ὁ δὲ ᾿Οδυσσεὺς „οὐλόμεν’, αἴθ’ ὤφελλες ἀεικελίου στρατοῦ <ἄλλου / σημαίνειν, μὴ δ’ ἄμμιν ἀνασσέμεν>”

For more on Iliad 1 and politics (included a bibliography), see The Politics of Rage: Some Reading Guidelines for Iliad 1; for more on book 2 and politics, see From Poetics to Politics: Repairing Achaean Politics in Book 2 of the Iliad.

Master of Pleasure and Master of Pain

These are from the Gnomologium Vaticanum

404

“When Menander was asked what the difference was between Sophokles and Euripides he said that Sophokles makes people feel pleasure while Euripides makes his audience feel anger.”

Μένανδρος ἐρωτηθεὶς τί διαφέρουσιν ἀλλήλων Σοφοκλῆς καὶ Εὐριπίδης εἶπεν ὅτι Σοφοκλῆς μὲν τέρπεσθαι ποιεῖ τοὺς ἀνθρώπους, Εὐριπίδης δὲ σκυθρωπάζειν τοὺς ἀκροατάς.

 

518

“Sophokles the tragic poet, after he heard that Euripides died in Macedonia, said “The whetstone of my poems is gone.”

Σοφοκλῆς, ὁ τῶν τραγῳδιῶν ποιητής, ἀκούσας Εὐριπίδην ἐν Μακεδονίᾳ τεθνηκέναι εἶπεν· „ἀπώλετο ἡ τῶν ἐμῶν ποιημάτων ἀκόνη.”

 

519

“When he was asked why he made people with noble characters and Euripides made those of base ones, Sophokles answered “Because I make people how they should be and he makes people as they are.”

῾Ο αὐτὸς ἐρωτηθεὶς διὰ τί αὐτὸς μὲν ποιεῖ τὰ ἤθη τῶν ἀνθρώπων χρηστά, Εὐριπίδης δὲ φαῦλα „ὅτι” ἔφη „ἐγὼ μέν, οἵους ἔδει εἶναι, τοὺς ἀνθρώπους ποιῶ, ἐκεῖνος δέ, ὁποῖοί εἰσιν.”

Color photograph of marble busts of three tragedians in a museum
Greek busts of Aeschylus, Sophocles and Euripides, Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek.